Specjalne strefy ekonomiczne: czego się nauczyliśmy

Minęło ponad 50 lat od powstania pierwszej nowoczesnej specjalnej strefy ekonomicznej.  Według bazy danych Międzynarodowej Organizacji Pracy liczba specjalnych stref ekonomicznych wzrosła od 176 w 47 krajach w 1986 r., do 3500 stref w 130 krajach w roku 2006 (Boyenge 2007). Jednak pora na zmiany – pisze w swoim artykule Thomas Farole, ekonomista w Departamencie Handlu Międzynarodowego w Banku Światowym. Strefy ekonomiczne nie przystają już do realiów - muszą stać się bardziej elastyczne.
Specjalne strefy ekonomiczne: czego się nauczyliśmy

(CC BY-SA Argonne National Laboratory)

It is more than 50 years since the establishment of the first modern special economic zones. But it is only relatively recently, particularly since the 1990s, that their popularity as a policy instrument has taken off. The International Labour Organization‘s database of special economic zones reported 176 zones in 47 countries in 1986; by 2006 this had risen to 3,500 zones in 130 countries (Boyenge 2007). Traditional export-processing zones (EPZs) were designed to attract investment by enabling countries to better exploit a key source of comparative advantage – low-cost labour – which was otherwise underutilised because of low levels of domestic investment and barriers (regulatory, infrastructure, etc.) preventing foreign direct investment (FDI). These EPZs have operated under simple principles:

  • Allowing investors to import and export free of duties and exchange controls;
  • Facilitating licencing and other regulatory processes; and
  • Usually freeing these firms from obligations to pay corporate taxes, VAT, or other local taxes.

To maintain control, EPZs have normally been fenced-in estates with strict customs controls at entry, and sales are typically restricted mainly to export markets.

The model has been extremely successful in many countries. For example, it allowed the Dominican Republic to create more than 100,000 manufacturing jobs and shift dramatically away from reliance on agriculture. Similar stories of industrialisation and job creation can be seen in Mauritius, Korea, Taiwan, Honduras, El Salvador, and Madagascar, and more recently in Bangladesh and Vietnam. But the success of traditional EPZ programmes owes something in part to an unprecedented era of globalisation of trade and investment that took place since the 1970s and accelerated during the 1990s and 2000s, enabled by the vertical and spatial fragmentation of manufacturing into highly integrated global production networks. It is clear that this model of zones is now increasingly running up against its limitations. Indeed, it is perhaps no longer fit for purpose, given the changing macroeconomic and regulatory environment in the global economy.

> cały artykuł: VoxEU

> czytaj też: Irlandia zgarnia dużych inwestorów

(CC BY-SA Argonne National Laboratory)

Tagi


Artykuły powiązane

Poland as the largest hauler in the EU road transport

Kategoria: Business
Poland's dominant position in EU road transport is a result of the growing trade turnover, the liberalization of access to the market of EU transport services and the high price competitiveness of Polish companies.
Poland as the largest hauler in the EU road transport

The geographical diversification of Poland’s foreign trade

Kategoria: Macroeconomics
The increase in the volume of Polish foreign trade is accompanied by growing disparities in the geographical structure of exports and imports. A significant part of Polish exports to EU countries is made up of products imported from the third countries.
The geographical diversification of Poland’s foreign trade

In Poland imbalances are among the smallest in Europe

Kategoria: Macroeconomics
In the shadow of the Brexit saga, the European Commission presented reports on the procedure for coordinating economic policy in EU countries. In seven of them, the scale of the reduction of imbalances is unsatisfactory.
In Poland imbalances are among the smallest in Europe